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"Graham-Cassidy" Provides Zero Funding to Address the "Opioid Crisis"
One of the few positive provisions of the summer’s Senate “health care” bills was the inclusion of funding to states to “support substance use disorder treatment and recovery support services.” With more than 30,000 people dying from heroin and painkiller overdoses in the United States every year, sufficient funding to address and effectively treat the issue is crucial. Yet the latest version of the “health care” bill has omitted this funding entirely.
One of the few positive provisions of the summer’s Senate “health care” bills was the inclusion of funding to states to “support substance use disorder treatment and recovery support services.” With more than 30,000 people dying from heroin and painkiller overdoses in the United States every year, sufficient funding to address and effectively treat this issue is crucial. Yet the latest Republican version of the “health care” bill has omitted this funding entirely.
The original Better Care Reconciliation Act included a $2B fund to distribute grants to states for fighting the “opioid crisis” and other substance use disorder issues; the “Cruz amendment” version significantly increased that amount to nearly $45B over nine years. While even that amount would likely not have been sufficient to cover needs, the increase was hailed as a key provision aimed specifically at some Republican Senators still wavering in their support. Yet the latest iteration – “Graham-Cassidy” – includes absolutely no such funding. This glaring omission has received little attention, but it contributes to the bill’s overall potential to actually harm public health. The bill would also make alarming cuts to Medicaid (which is one of the top insurers for substance use disorder services) and would also allow states to waive the current requirements that insurance companies not only cover substance use disorder treatment but also that they cover it without charging people higher premiums. One analysis estimates that a person with "drug dependence" could face a premium surcharge of $20,000 per year.
Without any funding added to the bill to offset those potentially devastating losses, treatment for substance use disorder will become either financially or practically impossible for the millions of people who may need it. This lack of adequate, evidence-based, available treatment already constitutes a public health crisis - Congress may be poised to make it even worse.
Republicans Failed Because They Have No Idea What Kind of Health Care They Actually Want
Not so long ago, much of the Republican Party stood united in a vision for health care.
Not so long ago, much of the Republican Party stood united in a vision for health care. For 20 years, Party leaders from across the political spectrum coalesced around elements of a plan that would use the private market to broadly expand coverage.
The plan looked something like this. All Americans would be subject to a mandate to obtain health insurance for themselves and their families or pay a penalty along with their taxes. Most employers would be mandated to offer insurance to their workers. Those without access to employer-sponsored coverage would buy policies on an exchange directly from insurance companies, and insurers would be required to offer coverage regardless of an applicant’s health status. Subsidies would be available for those with low incomes, and those who were very poor would receive coverage under an expanded Medicaid program.
Sound familiar? It is the essence of Romneycare, the health reform plan enacted in Massachusetts in 2006 with the support of Republican governor Mitt Romney.
Romneycare emerged after more than 15 years of Republican efforts to implement such a system. It was originally devised by the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think-tank, in 1989. The concept was supported by 21 Republican senators in 1993, including many moderates, when it formed the basis of the Health Equity and Access Reform Today Act, an alternative to the Clinton plan that was then being debated in Congress.
Heritage encouraged the enactment of Romneycare in 2006 and subsequently touted the plan as a workable solution that should be implemented across the country.
And the concept formed the basis of a plan proposed in 2009 by two conservative Republicans, Representative Paul Ryan and Senator Tom Coburn, the Patients’ Choice Act.
Of course, the Republican market-based plan is also the core of the Affordable Care Act.
What happened when Democrats signed on to the approach? The Republican consensus immediately evaporated. Even Heritage turned against its own handiwork. As soon as the ACA was enacted in 2010, Republicans in Congress announced unbending opposition and began an unrelenting effort to “repeal and replace.”
But seven years later, that promise remains little more than a slogan. Republicans voted more than 60 times to repeal all or part of the ACA while Obama was president, knowing their votes were merely symbolic, since he was certain to veto any legislation that emerged.
And now that they control of both houses of Congress and the White House and have the chance to actually bring a plan to fruition, they can’t figure out what they want.
Republican conservatives want to eliminate any trace of the ACA, even if it means denying lifesaving health care to tens of millions of Americans. Moderates want to insure that whatever form a replacement takes, the ACA’s coverage gains are largely maintained. The Republican health care bill that failed in the Senate this week, the Better Care Reconciliation Act, meets the goals of neither wing.
President Trump can’t seem to decide what he wants, either. He promised at the start of the presidential campaign that he would not reduce Medicaid spending, but his budget proposal includes major cuts.
The only unifying theme in Republican positions today is a desire to dismantle anything created by President Obama and his Democratic colleagues, even programs based largely on their own principles. That is hardly a vision for constructive public policy.
Crafting a complex government program requires painstaking work, including the arduous task of consensus building. It is not accomplished by hatching a plan through the secret deliberations of 13 senators, as Senate Republicans did in crafting the BCRA, and then rushing it to a vote.
But the laborious work of building programs and forging consensus is the essence of governing. That’s a lesson members of the Republican leadership do not seem to have learned. With their failure, at least so far, to either repeal or replace the ACA, they are now seeing the results.
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Previously posted on the Health Cents blog on Philly.com.